National Identity of The Battle of Sainte-Foy by Joseph Lgar Research Paper

National Identity of The Battle of Sainte-Foy by Joseph Lgar - Research Paper Example This paper analyses the themes of national identity and representation in Legare’s painting. The Battle of Sainte-Foy depicts the war between Britain and France on April 1760 at the western part of Quebec City. The war is lengthy and difficult. According to Buckner (2005), the English had more or less 3,000 soldiers while France had approximately 5,900. Canadians have fought hard for centuries to gain a sense of national identity. Even though the country’s size is vast, its population is the opposite, and the entire of Canada is remarkably diverse in terms of culture that it can be thorny for its people to unite together. Nevertheless, even though significant, this does not belong to the major concerns of the Canadian pursuit for a national identity, since the nation’s actual dilemmas rest in its history (Chodos, Murphy & Hamovitch, 1991). Only as the years passed did the entire meaning of the events in the Battle of Saint-Foy become apparent and only, as well, w ith their regress, did the Canadians find power to express and depict it. English Canadians, whose identities have emerged long after the battle, as often as not deal with this event in their history with calm indifference, as shown by Legare: they can sense the victory of Britain and Wolfe and relate their identities with it, yet it is, after two centuries, an unruffled victory, without great jubilation in it, without great sentiment raised to strengthen it. Two important battles have downplayed these 18th-century events nearly to the height of insignificant fights. However, for Legare, the case is somewhat the other. The 18th century, particularly the 1760, was the period where in the French banner fell, never to rise again. Prior to 1760 were periods of remarkable successes when they were the powerful in their own lands, people of the supreme ruler in Christendom (Romney, 1999). Subsequent to it, the periods of misfortune have been ended. In that case, it is not surprising that T homas Chapais introduces his historical work with opposing images (Lower, 1958, 81): The 8th of September, 1760, at eight o’clock in the morning, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, last governor of New France, signed at Montreal the capitulation which put an end to French rule in our country. The prolongation of the heroic struggle†¦ had become impossible. The English general, Sir Jeffrey Amherst, surrounded the city†¦ with twenty thousand men, to meet whom there were hardly twenty four hundred soldiers. Food, artillery, munitions, everything was lacking. No more help could be expected from France†¦ the fatal hour had sounded and it was necessary to bow before the inevitable†¦ In the distance between them, for Legare, Chapais, and for all French Canadians, a wonder had taken place: the wonder of national identity. The painting of Legare actually make no broad depictions of the Battle of Sainte-Foy, but there emanates from the painting a breath, as it were, of catas trophe and nationalism: the people of Canada were an unfortunate people, entrusted completely in the hands of colonizers. His painting, in its entirety, is a commemoration of nationalism and in spite of its numerous errors and at times its excesses it has been recognized by the well-educated people of French Canada as the standard exhibition of the Battle of Sainte-Foy (Bumsted, 1979). In another remarkable effort to portray the emerging but weak sense of national

How Neighborhoods Chosen Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

How Neighborhoods Chosen - Assignment Example mbers where they can have face-to-face social interactions and can also share common values, maintain effectual social control and socialize the youth. The following factors are considered when choosing neighborhoods: The social development of various geographical areas influences the interest of individuals to live in those neighborhoods. Social developed areas are places where there are improved schools that enable children to enjoy the luxury of learning subjects of their choices and have enough facilities to ensure students and teachers are comfortable. The places should have access to recreational facilities such as swimming pools, gyms, and sauna to make people physically fit. Wassmer (2000) stated that places that have improved social and cultural services attract people since they have connections and opportunities that encourage the citizens to interact and reach their highest potential. Neighborhoods that have many economic opportunities attract many citizens since they can get good job opportunities with high-income levels and with high income, the citizens are able to live comfortably since they can afford good housing facilities, better schools for their children and owning assets like cars. Neighborhoods that are located near major industries and markets encourage citizens to look for homes around since they are assured of better facilities from the industries and markets and even job opportunities (Ioannides, 2013). In addition, in such neighborhoods people are also able to start their own businesses because of the high population. People choose neighborhoods that enable them to have a stable physical and mental health. Regions that have access to health facilities like hospitals encourage people to live there since they are assured of places to go during emergencies. BlackMcDonald and McMillen (2011) stated that citizens consider the history of people with disabilities, illenesses, and medical care of the individuals living in various places and

Soft Drink Industry Essay Example for Free

Soft Drink Industry Essay A soft drink is a non-alcoholic beverage typically containing water often carbonated water and a flavoring agent. Many of these beverages are sweetened by the addition of sugar or high fructose They may also contain ingredients such as caffeine and fruit juice. They are called soft in contrast to hard drinksthat is, alcoholic beverages. Small amounts of alcohol may be present in a soft drink, but the alcohol content generally must be less than 0. 5% of the total volume if the drink is to be considered non-alcoholic. Soft drinks are usually served chilled or at room temperature, are rarely heated, and generally do not include milk or other dairy beverages. Beverages that are typically not considered soft drinks include hot chocolate, hot tea, coffee, pure juice and milkshake. History of soft drinks. Soft drinks trace their history back to the mineral waters found in natural springs. Ancient societies believed that bathing in natural springs and/or drinking mineral waters could cure many diseases. Among the earliest soft drinks were sherbets developed by Arabic chemists and originally served in the medieval Near East. Dandelion burdock, a naturally carbonated drink made from fermented dandelion (Taraxacum officinale) and burdock (Arctium lappa) roots, was first made in England in around 1265. The first marketed soft drinks (non-carbonated) in the Western world appeared in the 17th century. They were made from water and lemon juice sweetened with honey. In 1676, the Compagnie des Limonadiers of Paris was granted a monopoly for the sale of lemonade soft drinks. Vendors carried tanks of lemonade on their backs and dispensed cups of the soft drink to thirsty Parisians. In late 18th century, scientists made important progress in replicating naturally carbonated mineral waters. In 1767, Englishman Joseph Priestley first discovered a method of infusing water with carbon dioxide to make carbonated water when he suspended a bowl of distilled water above a beer vat at a local brewery in Leeds, England. His invention of carbonated water, (also known as soda water), is the major and defining component of most soft drinks. Priestley found water thus treated had a pleasant taste, and he offered it to friends as a refreshing drink.? 1881 The first cola-flavored beverage introduced. ? 1886 Dr. John S. Pemberton invented coca cola in Atlanta, Georgia. ? 1892 William Painter invented the crown bottle cap. ? 1898 Pepsi-Cola is invented by Caleb Bradham. ? Early 1920s The first automatic vending machines dispensed sodas into cups. ? 1957 The first aluminum cans used. ? 1959 The first diet cola sold. ? 1965 Soft drinks in cans dispensed from vending machines. ? 1970 Plastic bottles are used for soft drinks Coca cola and pepsi Coca-Cola was the 1st international soft drinks brand to enter India in early 1970’s. Re-entry of Coca-Cola in 1993 On the 26th of October 1993, Coca-Cola re-entered the Indian market having acquired some of the leading Indian soft drink brands from Parle, namely Thums-Up, Maaza, Limca, Goldspot Citra. These brands joined Coke’s portfolio of international brands i. e. Coca-Cola, Sprite, Fanta, Schweppes as Coca-Cola India took control of the top soft drink brands in India from the very beginning. From 1993 to 2003, company invested US $ 1 billion in India. Thebeginningofcolawar For the Cricket World Cup 1996, Pepsi was not the official sponsor of the tournament, Coke was. But Pepsi had a whole pool of best players roped in as brand ambassadors from the sub continent and abroad. The ad campaign of â€Å"Nothing Official About it† rocked the country and despite Coke being the official sponsor, it was Pepsi which hogged the publicity. In 1998, with the release of blockbuster movie â€Å"Kuch Kuch Hota Hai†, Pepsi took out another ace from its sleeve, featuring Shahrukh, Rani and Kajol in its ad. The punch line was â€Å"Yeh Dil Maange More† which was an iconic line and struck a chord amongst the people. Coca-Cola countered by spoofing the ad, using Sprite, to hilarious effect. Pepsi responded with a spoof of its own, starring Azhar and Jadeja hitting on the Coke line of â€Å"Eat Cricket, Sleep Cricket, Drink Only Coca Cola† with the punch line of â€Å"More More Cricket, More More Pepsi†. Coke again hit back, this time with Thumbs Up ad. They portrayed the cricketers as monkeys and ended the ad with â€Å"Don’t be a bunder (monkey) Taste the Thunder! † Situation turned ugly with Pepsi going to court and finally ended with Coke withdrawing the ad. The Cola wars went on full-fledged till 2003, when a pesticide controversy forced Coke and Pepsi to fight on the same side in so called â€Å"Indias New Cola Wars†. TheControversies Presence of Pesticides: In 2003, the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) findings stirred the beverage industry in India. CSE claimed to find dangerous levels of pesticides in all the 57 samples of 11 soft drinks brands collected by the organization from 25 different manufacturing units of Coca-Cola and PepsiCo spread over 12 states. The study found a cocktail of three-five different pesticides in all the samples on an average 24 times higher than norms laid down by government-run Bureau of Indian Standard (BIS). Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat and Kerala banned the sale of Colas in schools, colleges and government departments, and other states also took adversarial measures. The day after the CSE’s announcement, Coke and Pepsi came together in a rare show of solidarity at a joint press conference. The companies attacked the credibility of the CSE and their lab results, citing regular testing at independent laboratories proving the safety of their products. They promised to provide this data to the public, threatened legal action against the CSE while seeking a gag order, and contacted the United States Embassy in India for assistance. They roped in major film stars to explain their purity to public. Despite all these measures, sales dipped by as much as 80% in some regions. The soft drinks industry took over a year to get back on the growth track. Ground Water Crisis: Coca-Cola was recently accused of ground water depletion in many areas of the country. Coca-Cola’s bottling operations – which extract hundreds of millions of liters of water from the groundwater resource – have significantly worsened the water crisis as groundwater levels have dropped sharply since Coca-Cola started its operations. The company was also accused of indiscriminately dumping its toxic waste into the surrounding areas – polluting the water as well as the land. The Coke reiterated its commitment to trim down water usage and take steps towards environment sustainability and farmer’s welfare. However, activists retort that Coca Cola is in the business of water usage and wasting, creating a luxury product largely for the middle class. Amidst various allegations and controversies, the soft drinks industry in India, supported by its booming economy, strengthening middle class and low per capita consumption, is growing at a cruising pace. The focus has shifted from carbonated drinks to Fruit drinks, with both the companies launching Lemon drinks in 2009-10. In the next few years, the fruit juice category is likely to carry the growth flag forward as consumers become more health conscious.

Ugandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)

Ugandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) A social analysis of the current Ugandan poverty reduction strategy paper (PRSP), known as the poverty eradication action plan (PEAP, 2004/5-2007/8) Introduction Uganda, with the help of a number of international organisations, has created a poverty reduction plan known as the PEAP. This project began in 1995, but came intro fruition around 1997. The goal of the PEAP is to reduce poverty from 44% in 1997 to 10% in 2017 (World Bank Group, 2008). This policy was created in order for Uganda to be eligible for financial aid from the World Bank and IMF under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative (Gariyo, 2001, p. 2). The aim of this essay is to critically examine the recent progress of the PEAP from the relevant documents. This includes examining the PEAP itself from 2004/5-2007/8 as well as look at the poverty assessment projects that have been taking place. The three main issues in this subject are how the plan deals with the concept of poverty, how the poverty assessments are reflected in the PEAP, and the way in which the PEAP has addressed gender issues amongst the poor in Uganda. The objective is to provide a critical analysis of the current situation within Uganda with regards to PEAP, and how effective this plan has been at reducing poverty. Concept of Poverty in the PEAP The concept of poverty within the PEAP has changed since its initial introduction. The original drafts of the plan were focused upon state-led rural development. The plan was then revised and it was decided to concentrate more on social issues. The PEAP plan looks at poverty as primarily being about the issues of economic development, business competitiveness and market growth (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 16). The main measures of poverty within the PEAP are household expenditure and income, and when this falls below a certain level a person or family is considered poor. This poverty line is quite simplistic, but also absolute, as it represents the level needed to secure basic food and other needs. The gap between incomes is also measured to look at inequality within society (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 38). The poor in Uganda are also identified as those who have problems of regional inequality, with those in the North and rural areas being worse off than those in the Central and urban areas. The study also identified that female-head households of widowed or absent husband families are poorer. The issue is whether or not this definition of poverty is accurate or correct for the region, as this will obviously affect the success of the policies. Targeting the wrong groups of people or introducing measures that do not really address the issues of poverty in Uganda will not reduce real poverty. There are those that argue just taking into account consumption and income is not enough to determine poverty and that basic needs and rights need to be taken into account (Kingdon and Knight, 2004, pp. 1-3). However, the situation in Uganda means that the issue of consumption equates to the provision of basic needs. There is a definite cut off between consumption and being able to afford basic food and other amenities. In this case, the measure of income and consumption is adequate. However, the factor that is not taken into account as much within the PEAP seems to security. This is often more of a subjective view than something that can be identified with quantitative data. The security of people within society and their feelings about their situations are crucial to their ability to move out of poverty and improve their lives. The problem with the PEAP view of poverty is that it is perhaps too narrow with regards to the full view of poverty. Whilst it includes issues of consumptio n and income and indeed social functionality, it leaves out some of the elements of security. It could be argued that the appeal to empowerment for women and other people is to do with feelings and security, but perhaps it is not enough (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 55). The results of the study seem to suggest as such. Whilst economic growth has improved and poverty head count has been reduced since 1997, the factors of inequality have risen since 2003. In the North the affects of the PEAP policy have been limited because of a lack of security regarding land and the ability for people to move into new industries easily. Therefore, it can be said that whilst the income and consumption indicators of poverty have improved, it is not certain whether this has actually alleviated poverty because the issues of security and the opinions of the poor seemingly have not been taken into account fully. However, more about this will be discussed in the next section – looking at how the poverty analysis is involved within the PEAP. The ana lysis PPA will be crucial as to whether or not the lack of emphasis on well-being has altered the effectiveness of the PEAP. There is some evidence however to support this less complex and subjective analysis of the status of poverty in Uganda. McGee (2004, pp. 517-521) showed that contradictions and arguments with regards to what is exactly happening to poverty in Uganda is unhelpful. Instead, a less oppositional approach is better, with a focus on the income and consumption of those in Uganda. This may not be the most accurate measure of poverty, but it is an effective and productive way to produce policies that will have a positive impact on the economy and therefore alleviate poverty. However, poverty assessments carried out as part of the World Bank strategy have shown that many of these assessments, including those of Uganda, put too much emphasis on increasing income and investment. These policies are weak in addressing the real causes of poverty such as social inequality, and ignore issues of politics and history. Therefore, it must be said that whilst Uganda is one of the more thorough nations with regards to its assessments, it still lacks a subjective view and focuses too much on income issues rather than looking at the root causes of poverty (Hammer, Pyatt and White, 1999, pp. 819-821). Despite this and the concerns that too much emphasis on investment and improved income will not result in a reduction in poverty, the results initially seem good. A study by Nkusu (2004) shows that an emphasis on investment, aid and income factors has led to a much healthier economy and structural reforms that have reduced poverty overall. However, it is still unclear as to weather these policies are taking into account the results shown in the participatory poverty analysis. The next section will examine how the PEAP uses these analyses within its policies, and how effective this usage is. Participatory poverty analysis in the PEAP It seems that whilst the original PEAP was endorsed and approved by the IMS for its effectiveness at sticking to the principles of participation, in recent years the plan has somewhat moved away from the original focus (Canagarajah and van Diesen, 2006, pp. 663-666). The World Bank and IMF understand the need to listen to the poor and their needs in order to solve problems of poverty. Without this, the root causes of poverty will not be found and despite economic growth the average poor person will not be better off as the rich will gain. The problem is not so much with the Ugandan policies but the limits put upon them by the World Bank and IMF. In order for these poor countries to receive the financial aid they need to progress, they must meet certain criteria for economic reforms set out by the IMF and World Bank. However, this essentially means the countries like Uganda have little say in the policies that need to be created in order for them to improve their economy. Therefore, the suggestion by the IMF and World Bank to listen to the poor is misleading. They have suggested this method in order to deflect attention from their conditions imposed on financial aid. This means that the participation of people in Uganda in the forming of policies is reduced, because the government must limit the information they are exposed to in order to make sure the policies are put in place to get aid and promote growth. This makes it harder for Uganda to listen to its people regarding policies that they would like to see to improve their living conditions (Rowden and Irama, 2004). The problem with these policies as outlined in the household surveys is that economic growth is not being shared amongst the people who need it, and instead poverty is increasing. The poverty rate is increasing because the economic growth in Uganda at this point favours the richer people and international community, thanks to the biased policies needed to get funding from the IMF and World Bank (Economic Policy Research Centre – Makerere University, 2003). There are some indications that the people within Uganda are being listened to when possible. Findings looking at groups of poor children in Uganda found that measures looking at just income and consumption were not enough, and so other methods were taken into consideration by asking those who were poor (UNESCO., 2005). The poverty assessment reports however show that despite the focus of the PEAP on economic growth, this is not the reason for increase poverty in Uganda. The poverty status report in 2003 shows that despite economic growth, people still remain below the poverty line. The main reasons for this are unequal economic growth, and a lack of security in areas such as Northern Uganda (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2003a, pp. 147-149). Whilst these issues are identified in the PEAP, the main focus of policy is still on economic growth, because this is the only way the economy can be improved through financial aid. However, there are areas within the poverty assessment reports that are being utilised by the PEAP. One of these areas is healthcare, which in the assessment reports is identified as a key area that leads to poverty, and that the more people that are poor the more that will need to be spent to maintain people’s health (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2002, pp. 101-105). The original poverty assessment report identified similar problems including issues of district divide, and the obstacles for people trying to improving their own lives (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2000). The PEAP looks at some of these issues and puts policies in place to address, particularly with regards to health. The PEAP has made an effort to focus on preventive measures of health care so that the poorest members of society have greater access to services so that they can be more productive (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2005, pp. 163-165). Despite this, the conclusions of the PEAP stick mainly to issues of economic growth rather than social problems. It is true that during the 1990s high economic growth resulted in a reduction in the amount of people under the poverty line. However, as the country has improved its services, the further economic growth has been hampered by the limits of policies demanded by the IMF and World Bank in order to meet aid conditions. This means the economic growth has been a means towards an end of gaining aid to increase growth rather than simply looking at the social factors affecting the poor (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2005, pp. 211.213). Gender Analysis in the PEAP Another issue that needs to be addressed is whether or not the PEAP is addressing issues of gender effectively. Gender is clearly a big issue in a country where female-run families are worse off than male-led families due to lack of opportunities and rights for women to improve their economic status. Initial findings suggest that although the poverty participation process involves looking at those who are marginalised within society due to gender or other issues, the analyses do not effectively discuss gender issues (Wordofa, 2004, pp. 68-71). A study by Zuckerman and Garrett (2003) found that many of these poverty assessment reports in various developing countries only addressed gender issues in a superficial manner. Uganda in fact would not use gendered participation within its original report research but would then try to aggregate gender back into the policies later on. This tactic results in policies that do not accurately address the true concerns and issues associated with gender in Uganda in terms of poverty (Zuckerman, and Garrett, 2003, pp. 6, 12). Common examples of this are looking at different households in terms of age, but not reflecting differences in consumption levels according to gender. This is particularly damaging for a country like Uganda where some of the poorest members of society are women. This means despite good economic growth, the needs of many of the poorest are not being dealt with. As Whitehead and Lockwood (1999, p. 14) show, the way in which the Uganda PEAP deals with women’s issues is very superficial. There is a section regarding women, but it is not linked into the rest of the policies in general making it an isolated and superfluous section of the document. However, this study was conducted in 1999 and since then the reports have been looked at more closely, with more emphasis on gender issues. Despite this, there still remains a level of isolation between these findings and the policies as a whole. Zuckerman (2002) shows that there is some progress being made with regards to this, and those early failings have been dealt with in some ways. The reports now have women actively participating in order to form policies that will help get them out of poverty. However, it is still shown that despite this participation, the gendered participation has not filtered through to the policies in the PEAP as a whole. The problem is that these views from different genders are then generalised when added to policy, and therefore have little effect on gender differences. If this participation is to work then there needs to be a greater effort to make distinct policies to address gender differences rather than re-aggregating into a generalised whole. Conclusion The Ugandan PEAP has certainly been one of the most successful of these types of poverty reduction scheme in terms of reducing the poverty indicators of poor income and high levels of consumption to income. This has meant that overall the economy is doing better in Uganda, and people have higher incomes than before. This however is too simple a definition of poverty, and other factors such as the feelings and well-being of the poor, security issues and social structures need to be taken into account. The PEAP has improved since its inception in the 1990’s in terms of recognising these issues, but the core policies have changed very little. The main focus of the PEAP is still to improve economic growth, for two main reasons. Firstly because this was a successful policy throughout the 1990’s in helping to reduce overall poverty, and secondly because such economic policies are required by the IMF and World Bank in order to Uganda to receive the aid it needs to progress. The improvements in participation have meant that PEAP documents now address issues of gender and empowerment. However, these issues are addressed in a superficial way and the voices of marginalised are not affecting policy change. This means that despite continued economic growth, the wealth divide has increased and the percentage of people in poverty has increased in recent years. The policies are helping those who are better off to increase their wealth rather than improving the opportunities for the poorest members of society. As pointed out in reports, the country is reaching its targets with regards to alleviating poverty in economic growth terms and structural reforms (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2003b). However, these targets are not reducing overall poverty because they are allowing the participation in policy making of marginalised groups. The chronically poor who need the most help most likely to stay poor, supporting the claim that these policies of economic growth are not helping reduce poverty in Uganda (Okidi, and Mugambe, 2002, pp. 2-4). Bibliography Canagarajah, S., and van Diesen, A., 2006. The Poverty Reduction Strategy Approach Six Years On: An Examination of Principles and Practice in Uganda. Development Policy Review, 24(6), pp. 647-667. Economic Policy Research Centre – Makerere University., 2003. Reports on Socio Economics and Labour Force. Uganda Bureau of Statistics. Available at: http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/survey%20documentation/unhsii/survey0/outputInformation/reports.html Gariyo, Z., 2001. Civil Society and Global Finance in Africa: The PRSP Process in Uganda. In Civil Society and Global Finance edited by Jan Scholte et al, 2001. Kingdon, G.G., and Knight, J., 2004. Subjective well-being poverty versus income poverty and capabilities poverty?. Global Policy Research Group. Available at: http://www.gprg.org/pubs/workingpapers/pdfs/gprg-wps-003.pdf Nakamatte, N., et al., 2002. UPPAP – Kimwanyi Site Report. Available at: http://www.finance.go.ug/docs/Kimwanyi%20site%20report%20Final%20Draft.pdf Nkusu, M., 2004. Financing Ugandas Poverty Reduction Strategy: Is Aid Causing More Pain Than Gain?. IMF Working Papers, 04/170. Okidi, J.A., and Mugambe, G.K., 2002. An Overview of Chronic Poverty and Development Policy in Uganda. Economic Policy Research Centre, Uganda. Available at: http://www.chronicpoverty.org/pdfs/11Okidi_Mugambe.pdf Rowden, R., and Irama, J.O., 2004. Rethinking Participation: Questions for Civil Society about the Limits of Participation in PRSPs. Civil Society Observer, 1(2), April 2004. Available at: http://www.actionaidusa.org/images/rethinking_participation_april04.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2000. Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Process. Available at: http://www.w1.co.ug/uppap/docs/National%20Report%20New%20Edition.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2002. Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Process – Deepening the Understanding of Poverty. Available at: http://www.w1.co.ug/uppap/docs/NationalRpt.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2003a. Uganda Poverty Status Report. Available at: http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2003/cr03301.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2003b. Uganda’s Progress in Attaining the PEAP Targets in the Context of the Millennium Development Goals Background Paper for The Consultative Group Meeting. Available at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/UGANDAEXTN/Resources/CG_2003_GoU_PEAP_targets.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005. Uganda: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Poverty Eradication Action Plan (2004/5-2007/8). International Monetary Fund, August 2005. Available at: http://www.finance.go.ug/docs/PEAP%202005%20Apr.pdf UNESCO., 2005. Children in abject poverty in Uganda: A study of criteria and status of those in and out of school in selected districts in Uganda. Available at: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001414/141482e.pdf Whitehead, A., and Lockwood, M., 1999. Gender in the World Bank’s Poverty Assessments: Six Case Studies from Sub-Saharan Africa. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), Discussion Paper, 99 (June 1999). Wordofa, D., 2004. Poverty-reduction policy responses to gender and social diversity in Uganda. Gender and Development, 12(1), pp. 68-74. World Bank Group., 2008. Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP). (Online). Available at: http://go.worldbank.org/KG9Q84BQE0 (Accessed 30th June 2008). Zuckerman, E., 2002. ‘Engendering’ Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs): the issues and the challenges. Gender and Development, 10(3). Available at: http://www.genderaction.org/images/Oxfam%20GenderDevt%20Journal%20Article-EZ%20PRSPs.pdf Zuckerman, E., and Garrett, A., 2003. Do Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) address gender? A gender audit of 2002 PRSPs The relative success of PRSPs to address gender. Southern African Regional Poverty Network, 2002. Available at: http://www.eldis.org/go/display/?id=13395type=Document

Biography of Edgar Allan Poe :: essays research papers

Edgar Allan Poe Edgar Allan Poe was born in Boston, Massachusetts on Jan. 19, 1809 to David Poe, Jr. and Elizabeth Arnold Poe. He grew up to be an 'American poet, short story writer, playwright, editor, literary critic, essayist, and one of the leaders of the American Romantic Movement' (Edgar Allan Poe) and married Virginia Eliza Clemm Poe. Poe was influenced by many people such as Nathaniel Hawthorne, Lord Byron, Ann Radcliffe, and Charles Dickens. He was involved in the Romanticism and Dark Romanticism literary movements and demonstrated a gothic style in the majority of his works. Gloomy tales of mystery and death are what Poe was typically known for. Poe used the tone and the organization of his poems, as well as imagery, to make his poems unique and interesting. The tone of Poe?s poems is one of the major aspects people seem to remember about them. ?A Poe setting, atmosphere, or situation is instantly recognizable? (Minor). All of Poe?s poems demonstrate the dark and melancholy tone that was so unique to his writing. ?The apparent tone in Edgar Allan Poe?s ?The Raven? seemingly represents a very painful condition of mind, an intellect sensitive to madness and the abyss of melancholy brought upon by the death of a beloved lady? (Heimel). Poe starts off at the very beginning of this poem with a melancholy tone when he says, Ah, distinctly I remember it was in the bleak December, And each separate dying ember wrought its ghost upon the floor. Eagerly I wished the morrow, -- vainly I had sought to borrow From my books surcease of sorrow-- sorrow for the lost Lenore-- For the rare and radiant maiden whom the angels name Lenore-- Nameless here for evermore. This tone causes the reader to feel the pain and sadness that the man in the poem seems to be feeling due to losing his lover. Poe also demonstrates this tone in ?Annabel Lee?, especially at the end, when he talks about his bride that he will never see again. Poe consistently made his poems catchy and organized them in a way so that they would be distinct. He seemed to like to demonstrate internal rhythm and repetition in the majority of his poems. In Poe?s poem, ?Annabel Lee?, he repeats the name ?Annabel Lee? constantly throughout the poem. Also he uses internal rhyme throughout this poem.

Hooligans Essay -- Hooliganism Football Sports Athletics Essays

Hooligans â€Å"Hundreds of English fans have been departed from Belgium after scenes of mass violence in Belgian cities and football authorities have threatened to expel the English team from the competition if there is another outbreak of the English Disease† This was an article dated 20 June 2000 written by an English journalist. It is obvious from this article that world is facing a great problem nowadays. Actually it would be wrong to use the term ‘nowadays’ because the ‘English Disease’ namely hooliganism have been a problem for many centuries. There are many things to say on hooliganism but first it would be better to start with its definition. Hooliganism doesn’t have a standard definition. But it can be defined as destruction of properties or injury to persons, sometimes involving theft, whether by a gang or a small group of young people. Hooliganism is characterised as a lack of self-control, love of malicious mischief and idleness passing into dishonest and crime. Hooligans are usually made up of boys and young men, aged between 15 and 25 and their main targets are other groups, who only differ from them in their being composed of fans of another football team. And another interesting fact about hooligans is that they consider themselves to be true fans: they support the team for better or worse, they create the highly praised ‘atmosphere’ inside stadiums. Their main interest does not seem much to see brilliant football but to see their team win. As I mentioned in the beginning football hooliganism is known as the ‘English Disease’ but it has been a problem throughout Europe especially in Germany, Holland, Italy and Belgium as well as in the UK. Also Greece, Czech Republic, Denmark, Austria and Turkey witnessed these disturbances in football matches. There are a lot of work done all around the world to avoid the harm hooligans give to the environment and themselves. European Parliament and the National Parliaments of the European Union made effort to avoid the violence throughout Europe. European Council issued a report on hooliganism September 1999 and tried to take further steps on this problem. After all the work done by various sociologists and initiatives of the European Institutions still it is difficult to observe decline in violence in European Stadiums. To make it clear that World is suffering enough from hooliganism for many years... ...cisive measures like banning Britain from football games. I want to end my essay with an article written by Graham L. Jones in 26.06.2000. This article will be helpful in making a summary of the works about hooliganism. ‘The time for talk is over: Ban the Brits! Don’t wait another minute. Forget the possible quarterfinal game. Send Britain from Euro 2000 back to home. Yes, it’s my own country I’m talking about. And yes, it’s the team and players that I want to see pay the price for the absolute ineffectiveness of English Government and English judiciary doing nothing about hooliganism’ Bibliography HOLT R. 1989.Sport and the British. Oxford: Oxford University Press KERR H. 1994.Understanding Soccer Hooliganism. Buckingam: Open University Press TAYLOR R. 1992.Football and its Fans. Leicester: Leicester Universty Press Resources from Internet noviolence.com/archives dailynews.yahoo.com-22.06.2000 bbc.com- Hooliganism made in England but big abroad-26.02.1998 titonet.com/hooligans thesportjournal.com- A developmental view of soccer hooliganism by A.J Harley intorminc.co.uk- Hooliganism-a political football eserver.org- Playing for England by Paul Smith

Heinrich Isaac; Research Paper

Heinrich Isaac is noted as a central figure in late 15th and early 16th century musical development. He was one of three leading composers of the Franco Flemish or Netherlandish School with Jakob Obrecht and Josquin Des Prez. Although Josquin Des Prez was undoubtedly the major figure of the middle renaissance and is most often mentioned before Heinrich Isaac, Isaac is one of several that also deserve recognition. Heinrich was born around ten years after Josquin in 1450-1455. Historians are somewhat certain he was born in Flemish Brabant, a province of Flanders#.Very little is recorded of Heinrich’s early life. It is believed that he was educated in the same area, the Low Countries, due to its excellent standards in musical education. Isaac is also noted to have been a pupil of the Florentine organist Antonio Squarcialupi. It is supposed that Heinrich had begun composing music by 1470. All of this is very hard to establish; the first documented reference to Heinrich Isaac is da ted September 15, 1484, thirty or so years after his estimated birth.This document comes from Innsbruck, southwest Austria and refers to Heinrich as a hired member of a royal choir owned by Duke Sigismund of the House of Hapsburgs. The following year Heinirch traveled to Florence. Multiple documents show that Isaac acquired a position in 1485 as a designated singer at the church Santa Maria del Fiore, commonly known as the Duomo. Heinrich Isaac was known for his close association with the Medici family. It is suspected that Lorenzo de’ Medici was responsible for Isaac’s move from Innsbruck.Heinrich maintained close ties with the family throughout his entire life. He is said to have worked for the Medicis as an organist and a musical teacher however recent findings of documentation explain that â€Å"the Medici’s organist† was a title held by another Isaac. Isaac did work with the family as a teacher and choir director. While in Florence Isaac composed a g reat deal of music including masses and motets. Some of these linked Heinrich’s association with the Medici family. Lorenzo died in 1492 and Piero inherited everything including his father’s musical groups.Isaac wrote two motets in remembrance of Lorenzo. Piero took these groups to Rome to perform for the coronation of Pope Alexander VI. This was the same time and the same pope by which Michael Angelo was commissioned to reconstruct St. Peter’s Basillica. The Medici family was banished from Florence in 1494. In 1496 Heinrich was employed by Maximilian I the newly Holy Roman emperor. In 1497 Isaac was appointed court composer of the Hapsburg empire. Payment documents impose that Isaac traveled with the court through Augsburg, Wels, and Innsbruck between 1497 and 1501.Around 1502 Heinrich traveled to the Este court in Ferrera, Italy to compete with Josquin des Prez for a position. We do have a letter from the family that reads â€Å"Isaac is a disposition among h is companions, and he will compose new works more often. It is true that Josquin composes better, but he composes when he wants to and not when one wants his to. † Recent scholarship says that Isaac never asked for the job. Heinrich was commissioned by the Constance cathedral in 1508 after traveling though Constance, Augsburg, and Florence for several years to write his outstandingly large Choralis Constatinus.Isaac returned to Florence in 1514 and died in 1517. Though most sources confirm that Isaac fled from Italy, newer historical findings suggest that Isaac actually never left Florence. Not only did Isaac not leave Florence after Lorenzo’s death but Heinrich Isaac later married a native Florentine, settled down, and became an established citizen of Florence. Isaacs’s marriage was supposedly arranged through Lorenzo Medici. Isaac was able to include both German and Italian aspects in his work, something that made him very distinct from his contemporaries.Most contemporary composers, who called themselves Florentines like he did, limited their traveling to France and Italy. Heinrich is described as one of the most prolific composers of his time. He made significant contributions to both secular and church music; of Germanic and Italian influence; of the splendor of the church and the secularism of the renaissance of which he was such a part of. â€Å"His work spanned from Flemish styled polyphony to bright Italian and French love songs, from ceremonial music expressing the pageantry and power of the church and state to rollicking songs in French,Italian and German embodying the popular, secular spirit of the Renaissance, and from rich choral textures for the church to exquisite chamber music for courtly entertainment. †# Isaacs output includes about forty Mass Ordinaries, 100 proper mass cycles (though most were published posthumously in the three- volume Choralis Constantinus), over fifty motets; and close to fifty secular songs m ade of French chansons, Italian Frottole, and a large amount of German Tenorlieder. Isaacs best known work is probably Innsbruch, ich muss dich lassen, a Tenorlieder written on the theme of a Germanic folk song.The same melody was used for the Lutheran chorale O Welt, Ich Muss Dich Lassen. Later both J. S. Bach and J. Brahms used the famed theme. Heinrich Isaac’s significance stands not only in his scope and quality but also in his influence particularly seen in Germany. Heinrich acted as an ambassador of the Netherlandish style to Germany. Heinrich had a great effect on the musical development of Germany, leading it into the mainstream European musical tradition and the further development of contrapuntal music.Heinrich’s music directly influenced German composers like Bach and Brahms who in turn influenced aspects in all of western music. As a professionally successful musician and patroned person of the three most powerful men in Europe, Heinrich Isaac’s musi c was most definitely seen and heard. Sources- The New Oxford History of Music: volume III Wikipedia Encyclopedia Britannica online www. bach-cantatas. com Absorbing Heinrich Isaac by David J Burn, Blake Wilson, And Giovanni Zanovello